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Immigrant social networks and employment: Recent post-Brexit trends in low-wage UK labour markets

  • 12 hours ago
  • 5 min read

By Isaac Brewer | ISSUE 28

Photo courtesy of Anne Roberts via CC BY-NC-SA 2.

Immigrant social networks, particularly those of EU origin, have long helped employers fill vacancies in low-paying labour markets. Since the post-Brexit immigration system was introduced in the UK in 2021, sectors that previously relied heavily on EU immigrants have experienced intensified labour shortages. While much attention has focused on recent policy changes and declining migration flows, less consideration has been given to the continued role of immigrant social networks in partially offsetting shortages, and the broader implications of this reliance.


Although EU immigrants' social networks continue to help employers address labour shortages in several low-paid labour markets, this will diminish due to a declining pool of those with post-Brexit settled status (EUSS). Despite the expected reduced role of EU immigrant social networks in connecting employers to co-nationals, post-Brexit labour market trends suggest that non-EU immigrant social networks will play a greater role in meeting employers’ staffing needs. We can understand social networks as interpersonal ties between friends, families, communities, and institutions, which can be of a transnational nature.


Historical reliance on EU immigrants’ networks


Historically, employers in low-paid sectors such as manufacturing and hospitality have relied on EU immigrants’ social networks. Recruitment through trusted employees or community intermediaries provided employers with access to a steady supply of workers perceived as reliable. Recommendations from established employees were especially valued, as these workers tended to connect employers with individuals who shared similar work expectations and attitudes. Research has previously highlighted this among Latvian immigrants in food processing and hospitality, where recruitment through co-national networks was common.


Immigrant employees have an interest in ensuring that those they recommend perform well, as their own reputations may be affected. Employers benefit because existing workers can socialise new recruits into workplace norms, supporting flexible operations and reducing turnover. These recruitment practices lower costs associated with advertising, screening, and training, making them particularly attractive to employers facing constant demand for labour. Unsurprisingly, employers have seen little incentive to move away from network-based hiring.


Still the case post-Brexit?


Available evidence suggests that EU immigrant social networks do continue to play a role in recruitment following Brexit. Recent evidence from the Migration Advisory Committee found food and clothing manufacturers rely on immigrant networks, especially to fill (lower-paying) occupations such as production operatives. Immigrant employees would recommend individuals through word-of-mouth or social media posts, which connected them to a formalised recruitment process. Some employers also financially rewarded those who provided referrals. Employers, who needed constant flows of cheap labour, especially during seasonal production peaks, could rely on trusted employees to recommend capable individuals. Subsequently, this served to perpetuate reliance on immigrants in some workforces: in one company relying on immigrant networks, 90% of its staff were non-British (mostly from Poland). 


 In agriculture and construction, employers continue to benefit from EU immigrant networks. 40% of surveyed seasonal workers in Scotland (majority with EUSS) had found their employer through friends or family. Such examples show that there remain clear incentives, for both employers and immigrant employees (especially the former), to continue engaging in network hiring practices.


However, post-Brexit developments suggest that reliance on EU immigrant networks is becoming less sustainable. The pool of individuals with EUSS is shrinking, largely due to emigration, ageing, and movement into alternative employment. In agriculture, employers have already reported recruitment difficulties linked to reduced availability of EU workers. Some employers have also expressed dissatisfaction with newer recruitment schemes, arguing that workers sourced through these channels do not consistently meet the quality standards previously associated with EU networks under free movement.


These concerns highlight the significance of EU immigrant social networks not only in supplying labour, but in building trust between employers and workers. Nevertheless, recent trends indicate that their role is likely to diminish over time, prompting a shift towards alternative labour sources.


Increased prominence of non-EU origin social networks


Post-Brexit labour market data suggests that non-EU immigrant social networks are becoming increasingly important. In sectors such as hospitality, administrative and support services, and wholesale and retail, non-EU workers now outnumber EU workers. Sectors that have traditionally relied on non-EU labour, such as social care, have also experienced substantial growth in their non-EU workforce. Most non-EU immigrants in employment did not arrive on work visas, but instead entered the UK as dependants, through family routes, or via humanitarian pathways.


Immigration status is central to understanding this trend. Individuals on non-work visas are generally permitted to work across most occupations, while restrictions on access to welfare can incentivise labour market participation. Social networks play a key role in connecting these migrants to employment opportunities. Recommendations from spouses, partners, or family members already working in the UK can facilitate entry into low-paid sectors. In social care, where non-EU immigrants make up the majority of foreign-born workers, anecdotal evidence suggests that workers recommend partners or relatives to employers. This may partially explain how some non-EU dependants obtained work in social care, who represent 46% of non-EU social care workers.


However, this potential expansion of non-EU immigrant networks must be viewed alongside increasingly restrictive immigration policies. Recent changes, such as banning social care workers and students from bringing dependants and family members, will constrain the long-term growth of these networks. Overall, although non-EU immigrants will still play a larger role in offsetting shortages in low-wage labour markets (for those already in the UK), recent policy changes indicate this will be impacted in the longer term.


Wider issues


The continued use of immigrant social networks has further implications. As immigrants already face systemic barriers, such as discrimination and lacking recognition of qualifications, the use of networks may reflect immigrants’ constrained choice in their employment decision-making. Network recruitment can also reinforce pre-Brexit occupational segmentation trends by further embedding certain nationalities in low-paid, low-status work. While such networks facilitate access to employment, they may also restrict upward mobility, particularly where information about higher-quality jobs is limited. Consequently, reliance on social networks may hinder labour market integration in the post-Brexit context.


Employer reliance on immigrant networks can also lead to the neglect of alternative labour pools. Evidence from the Migration Advisory Committee suggests that only some (typically more resourceful) employers actively seek to diversify recruitment strategies. Yet, attracting local UK workers remains challenging due to low pay, poor job status, unsocial hours, high housing costs. Further issues impeding the recruitment of local UK workers relates to expensive housing and lacking public transport, especially in rural areas. Strategies such as providing accommodation (in the form of mobile homes) on-site, while favoured by immigrants, does not generally appeal to local UK workers, who likely have other labour opportunities open to them.


Since the introduction of the post-Brexit immigration system, employers of low-paid workers have continued to rely on immigrants to fill vacancies. Immigrant social networks remain central to this process, supporting both workforce supply and employer expectations of reliability. While reliance on EU immigrant networks is increasingly unsustainable due to a declining EUSS population, non-EU immigrant social networks are likely to play a greater role. Albeit, this is taking place within the context of an increasingly restrictive immigration regime. Recognising the continued relevance and implications of immigrant social networks is therefore essential to understanding labour shortages in post-Brexit Britain.



Isaac Brewer

Isaac is a recent MSc graduate from the London School of Economics, where he studied International Migration and Public Policy. His main research interests relate to processes of labour market segmentation for immigrants and the roles and limitations of immigration policy in addressing occupational shortages. He is currently serving as a research assistant on an NIHR-funded project that explores the impact of No Recourse to Public Funds on immigrant children’s health and development in the UK.



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